Historia no New York Times: os 18 pontos de Woodrow Wilson, 8/01/1918

President Specifies Terms Basis For World Peace; Asks Justice For Alsace-Lorraine, Applauds Russia, Tells Germany She May Be An Equal But Not A Master

Special to The New York Times

Washington, Jan. 8 -- The terms upon which Germany may obtain peace were given to the American Congress for the benefit of the whole world by President Wilson today. With scant notice of his coming, notice barely sufficient to enable the Senate and the House to make the necessary arrangements for a joint session, the President appeared at the Capitol, and in an address, brief by comparison to the momentous issues discussed, enumerated the conditions for a cessation of hostilities, the rejection of which will place upon Germany the responsibility for the further bloodshed that must precede the final victory of the allied nations.

President Wilson's address bore a striking resemblance to the speech made last Saturday by Mr. Lloyd George, the British Prime Minister, before the Trade Union Conference on Man Power in which he specified the war aims and peace conditions of the British Government. The diversions in the President's address from statements of the Prime Minister were for the most part more in the form than in the substance.

But in the opinion of many of those who compared Mr. Wilson's address with the utterances of Mr. Lloyd George, the President was more definite in declaring that the wrong done to France though the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine must be righted and he differed from Mr. Lloyd George with regard to the Russian situation in that he held out to the Russian people an offer of assistance from America, and tendered sympathy for the aims that those now in control of the affairs of that perturbed country are seeking to achieve.

Leaves No Doubt of Unity

By the President's official utterances he has pledged this Government to the achievement of ends that affect Europe more intimately and deeply than the United States. No doubt was left in the minds of those who listened to the President's words that this Government has entered heart and soul into the cause of the Entente Allies, to fight for the objects for which they are fighting to free Europe from the menace of Prussianism, to take Alsace-Lorraine from German domination, to prevent Russia from becoming part of the German Empire, to see that Italy has restored to her those portions of the Austro-Hungarian Empire that are inhabited by a people who are Italian in heart and blood, to bring all the Polish peoples into a common Government, to restore Belgium, Serbia, and the small nations that have been devastated by Teuton hordes, to their own, to give the separate nationalities of Austria-Hungary, Turkey and the Balkan States the right to govern themselves as separate entities, to have Northern France restored to French control.

And, in addition to these aims, the allied nations, in order to find a peace acceptable to them, must be assured of freedom of the seas, the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among the nations of the world, the reduction of armaments and an association of nations in a league to enforce peace. There must also be no secret agreements among nations that would threaten again the peace of the world.

Immediately following the delivery of the President's address, there was a disposition manifest to refer to his outline of the conditions which Germany must accept before the war could end as a definition of peace terms. But in the official quarters best qualified to interpret the meaning of the President, it was declared that his statement must be taken as a definition of war aims. The President left no doubt that, unless Germany consented to enter into peace exchanges on the basis of the conditions set forth in his address, the United States and the Allies would fight on until the Central Powers realized that there could be no peace in any other way. "It was an outline of war aims, not a peace address," declared one official.

Terms Clear and Definite

Never before has President Wilson or any other spokesman for a nation at war with Germany made such a clear and definite exposition of the conditions upon which the war must be fought or put another way, the conditions upon which peace might be obtained. Until today the President had refrained from making any official expression whatever as to the views of the Washington Government concerning Alsace-Lorraine. Nor had he indicated how the Government felt toward the aspiration of Italy to regain the territory that Austria had obtained through the Treaty of Vienna. He had refrained also from expression of sentiment concerning the disposition of the German colonies which have been taken from her since the war began. But today he made clear that in these as in other questions that must be adjusted around the peace council table, the United States and the Allies are fighting to achieve common objects, and each has assumed its share of helping its partners to gain the ends that more immediately pertain to their welfare and future happiness and stability.

Washington- that is, official and diplomatic Washington- was never more interested by any official utterance since the United States entered the war than by the words spoken by President Wilson in the hall of the House of Representatives today. No statement has come from any Administration source to give closer interpretation of any of his declarations. Those who are anxious to know whether the President delivered his definition of war aims with the knowledge and consent of the Allied Governments could obtain no satisfaction. Upon that point the State Department had no comment, but there was a very general opinion that exchanges had taken place between Washington, London, Paris, Rome, and possibly Tokyo and an agreement reached along general lines as to what the President should say.

Counseled with Colonel House

It is believed also that the speech of Mr. Lloyd George was not prepared until its substance or its text had been communicated to the capitals of the other Allies and their views obtained.

The President is supposed to have begun the preparation of today's address last Saturday, the day that Mr. Lloyd George delivered his speech. Colonel E. M. House, the President's unofficial emissary and adviser in war matters, who returned recently from a mission to Europe which resulted in the establishment of an interallied war council, came to Washington on Saturday evening and has been the President's guest since. No inkling was given by the President that he contemplated delivering an address defining the war aims of America. Even some of those who ordinarily would have known of this work were apparently kept in the dark.

The manuscript of the address was sent to the Government Printing Office last night, and copies of it were delivered at the White House this morning. When the Senate and the House assembled, Vice President Marshall and Speaker Clark had been notified that the President desired to address the two houses in joint session at 12 o'clock, and the half hour intervening after the hour of assembling was spent in putting through the necessary resolution for the joint meeting and the march of the Senators to the House wing of the Capitol.

The President's statement was generally approved in Congress. Republicans were as enthusiastic as Democrats in endorsing the President's outline of the conditions for world peace. There was an under-current of private criticism over his statement with reference to Alsace-Lorraine on the ground that he was so specific that Germany might find this a stumbling block to peace overtures, but those who voiced this sentiment wished to be understood that they felt that the address was otherwise so commendable that it would be poor taste for them to find cause for dissent in this particular feature.

Republican Fear Free Trade

The only real outspoken criticism came from Republicans who saw in one of the war aims specified by the President a declaration that would commit the Allies and their enemies to the establishment of free trade for all the world for a basis of peace. This condition of war stated by the President in these words: "The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance."

If this meant an acceptance of the principle of free trade that would permit Germany as well as other nations to dump their products in American ports and bring them into competition with American production, the Republicans, it was asserted, would enter a vigorous protest and would not consent to any peace that included such a condition.

Generally, however, Congress gave hearty approval to practically everything that was said by the President.

Cheers for Alsace-Lorraine

Perhaps the most surprising evidence of responsiveness was given when the President referred to Alsace-Lorraine. He declared that "the wrong, done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine should be righted." Up to that time there had been hearty applause for several of the sentiments and war aims enunciated by Mr. Wilson. But when he referred to Alsace-Lorraine, floor and gallery made known its sympathy with this view in a way that left no doubt of the heartiest endorsement of the thing nearest to the heart of France.

With more feeling than he had shown at any time in the delivery of his address today or in any other important utterance made to the Congress, the President began reading his declaration with reference to the lost French provinces.

"All French territory," he said, "should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine --" But here he was obliged to pause. A great shout went up from the Senators and Representatives. The whole Congress came to its feet and continued to express its approval with shouts and hand clapping. The galleries too rose to the occasion and soon the House was in a turmoil of enthusiasm that showed the President how deeply the American people were interested in the realization of France's dearest hope.

Demonstration for Russia

The President had read a page and a half of his address before the enthusiasm, which grew in volume with each successive outburst, was manifested. A reference to Mr. Lloyd George's speech was greeted with a round of hand clapping. A minute later his expression of sympathy for the Russian people brought a longer demonstration of approval. It was apparent that the President's words struck home when he declared the intention of the Government to assist the Russians in realizing the ideals that they had set forth in their statement of peace terms to the German envoys at Brest-Litovsk. In this connection, it was noted by many Senators and Representatives that the President's expressions differed somewhat from the declaration made by Mr. Lloyd George with reference to Russia.

The view of the British Prime Minister had been interpreted here as meaning that the British Ministry believed that Russia was lost to the Allies, and that no good could be accomplished by any further effort to bring that country back into the war on the side of the Allies. But according to the opinion most prevalent in Washington after the delivery of the President's address, the United States Government will use every endeavor to make the present Russian authority realize that its views are those of America and that this nation in fighting on is seeking to help Russia achieve the aims laid down at Brest-Litovsk. A view rather generally held among Senators and Representatives is that the President delivered his address today partly to encourage Russia to adhere to the principles proposed to the German Peace Commissioners and to understand that America and the other allied Governments would help her in every way.

Means have already been taken by the Government to have copies of the President's address distributed in Russian, and it is felt in official circles that the heads of the Petrograd authority are bound to be impressed by the sympathy with Russian democratic ideals shown in Mr. Wilson's words.