Diplomacia e Relações Internacionais
Apenas a conivência de países "amigos" -- talvez como a Espanha de Zapatero e de Moratinos --, de alguns outros na região, bem como a política repressiva do regime, junto com o apoio maciço -- em termos de dinheiro, petróleo e outros recursos -- de algum outro regime espúrio na região -- que também pretenderia criar uma ditadura ao estilo cubano no país -- podem explicar, hoje, a sobrevivência de um regime tão abjeto, tão anacrônico, tão fora de qualquer realidade regional ou mesmo mundial minimamente aceitável, como a ditadura castrista em Cuba.
É até possível que todos esses apoios e, obviamente, a repressão policial, do tipo mais irracional possível, ainda garantam alguma sobrevivência a um regime claramente decadente, cuja razão de existência deixou há muito de existir e cuja legitimidade já não existe há muito tempo.
Apenas pessoas desprovidas de qualquer senso moral podem, hoje, sustentar um regime ditatorial como o cubano. Aqui mesmo no Brasil, pretensos intelectuais -- na verdade pessoas que há muito alugaram suas consciências para causas indefensáveis, como o totalitarismo cubano de corte stalinista-soviético -- ainda emprestam um abjeto apoio a esse regime condenado pela História e pela consciência moral da humanidade.
Abaixo, o depoimento de um cubano recentemente libertado, depois de sete anos nas prisões castristas.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
Op-Ed Contributor
Out of Prison, Still Not Free
By RICARDO GONZÁLEZ ALFONSO
The New York Times, July 16, 2010
Madrid - I NEVER imagined I would be born at the age of 60, at an altitude of several thousand feet above the Atlantic. That isn’t gibberish; it’s what I felt when I was released from jail in Cuba and exiled to Spain last Monday.
My debut as a prisoner of conscience came early in 2003, a period subsequently characterized by the world’s press as the Black Spring. I was just one of 75 Cubans imprisoned for our belief that freedom is an achievable miracle and not a crime against the state.
They say prison is a school, and it’s true. I did my best to be a good student and kept back my tears. I succeeded so well that my prison companions still think me a brave man.
Within a few months I could find my way pretty well around the labyrinths of shipwrecked souls. I learned the secrets and legends of killers for hire, crimes of passion, traffickers in illicit powdery substances, would-be emigrants whose clandestine departures had been no secret to the state — even thieves who’d share their teaspoon of sugar on days of hunger.
Zoology was one class we had every day. I learned to live with rats, and even came, on certain nights of our tropical winter (which is winter, nevertheless) to stare at them with an urgency not unlike what people call appetite. I was a solitary friend to the deft spiders that sometimes freed me from the torturous buzzings and blood-shedding bites that accompanied my insomnia.
I became well versed in cosmic solitude and silence. I remember being in a cell no wider than a man with outstretched arms. I also grew familiar with fetid overcrowding and unceasing clamor. Months of unending darkness, months of eternal light.
I was only an auditor in certain courses, in which I learned that some prisoners were specializing in self-injury as a crude solution to their despair. I was witness to mutilated hands and other wounds as mortal or venial as sins. A man cut off his own penis and testicles in a desperate attempt to become a woman. Others, more radical and exhausted by perpetual existential tumult, turned to various methods of suicide, all of them extremely effective.
A large part of the program of study consisted in the defense of one’s rights. There was no theoretical option, only the very Cuban practice of the hunger strike. I carried one out for 16 days, until part of my will felt satisfied with my victory. That long and voluntary fast vindicated the enforced daily fast of imprisonment.
As in any school, there were periods of leisure. Packs of cigarettes were wagered on the outcome of chess matches, card games or soccer contests. I knew sellers and buyers of recreational drugs who were very good at evading or bribing both prison guards and informer inmates.
There was no lack of expertise in armed aggression. Pitiful, decaying knives that were nevertheless sharp-edged and skillfully wielded left trails of blood and rage behind them. (But I never signed up for that class.)
I’ve always had an aptitude for subjects that have to do with dreams, and I dreamed of my wife and children with such fervor that I know they felt my caresses as they lay asleep.
I was almost an exemplary student, and received only one failing grade: in hatred. Despite certain zones of memory, I bear no rancor against my jailers.
And now, after this senescent birth of mine, I’m contemplating the future with all the hope of the newly unveiled. Ever the optimist, I even dream of returning to a Cuba where freedom is not an impossible illusion. I know that, in the next 60 years, I won’t have to be reborn again.
Ricardo González Alfonso is a journalist. This article was translated by Esther Allen from the Spanish.
A version of this op-ed appeared in print on July 19, 2010, on page A21 of the New York edition.
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Diplomacia e Relações Internacionais
Cuba: uma ditadura ordinaria, proxima do final
Apenas a conivência de países "amigos" -- talvez como a Espanha de Zapatero e de Moratinos --, de alguns outros na região, bem como a política repressiva do regime, junto com o apoio maciço -- em termos de dinheiro, petróleo e outros recursos -- de algum outro regime espúrio na região -- que também pretenderia criar uma ditadura ao estilo cubano no país -- podem explicar, hoje, a sobrevivência de um regime tão abjeto, tão anacrônico, tão fora de qualquer realidade regional ou mesmo mundial minimamente aceitável, como a ditadura castrista em Cuba.
É até possível que todos esses apoios e, obviamente, a repressão policial, do tipo mais irracional possível, ainda garantam alguma sobrevivência a um regime claramente decadente, cuja razão de existência deixou há muito de existir e cuja legitimidade já não existe há muito tempo.
Apenas pessoas desprovidas de qualquer senso moral podem, hoje, sustentar um regime ditatorial como o cubano. Aqui mesmo no Brasil, pretensos intelectuais -- na verdade pessoas que há muito alugaram suas consciências para causas indefensáveis, como o totalitarismo cubano de corte stalinista-soviético -- ainda emprestam um abjeto apoio a esse regime condenado pela História e pela consciência moral da humanidade.
Abaixo, o depoimento de um cubano recentemente libertado, depois de sete anos nas prisões castristas.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
Op-Ed Contributor
Out of Prison, Still Not Free
By RICARDO GONZÁLEZ ALFONSO
The New York Times, July 16, 2010
Madrid - I NEVER imagined I would be born at the age of 60, at an altitude of several thousand feet above the Atlantic. That isn’t gibberish; it’s what I felt when I was released from jail in Cuba and exiled to Spain last Monday.
My debut as a prisoner of conscience came early in 2003, a period subsequently characterized by the world’s press as the Black Spring. I was just one of 75 Cubans imprisoned for our belief that freedom is an achievable miracle and not a crime against the state.
They say prison is a school, and it’s true. I did my best to be a good student and kept back my tears. I succeeded so well that my prison companions still think me a brave man.
Within a few months I could find my way pretty well around the labyrinths of shipwrecked souls. I learned the secrets and legends of killers for hire, crimes of passion, traffickers in illicit powdery substances, would-be emigrants whose clandestine departures had been no secret to the state — even thieves who’d share their teaspoon of sugar on days of hunger.
Zoology was one class we had every day. I learned to live with rats, and even came, on certain nights of our tropical winter (which is winter, nevertheless) to stare at them with an urgency not unlike what people call appetite. I was a solitary friend to the deft spiders that sometimes freed me from the torturous buzzings and blood-shedding bites that accompanied my insomnia.
I became well versed in cosmic solitude and silence. I remember being in a cell no wider than a man with outstretched arms. I also grew familiar with fetid overcrowding and unceasing clamor. Months of unending darkness, months of eternal light.
I was only an auditor in certain courses, in which I learned that some prisoners were specializing in self-injury as a crude solution to their despair. I was witness to mutilated hands and other wounds as mortal or venial as sins. A man cut off his own penis and testicles in a desperate attempt to become a woman. Others, more radical and exhausted by perpetual existential tumult, turned to various methods of suicide, all of them extremely effective.
A large part of the program of study consisted in the defense of one’s rights. There was no theoretical option, only the very Cuban practice of the hunger strike. I carried one out for 16 days, until part of my will felt satisfied with my victory. That long and voluntary fast vindicated the enforced daily fast of imprisonment.
As in any school, there were periods of leisure. Packs of cigarettes were wagered on the outcome of chess matches, card games or soccer contests. I knew sellers and buyers of recreational drugs who were very good at evading or bribing both prison guards and informer inmates.
There was no lack of expertise in armed aggression. Pitiful, decaying knives that were nevertheless sharp-edged and skillfully wielded left trails of blood and rage behind them. (But I never signed up for that class.)
I’ve always had an aptitude for subjects that have to do with dreams, and I dreamed of my wife and children with such fervor that I know they felt my caresses as they lay asleep.
I was almost an exemplary student, and received only one failing grade: in hatred. Despite certain zones of memory, I bear no rancor against my jailers.
And now, after this senescent birth of mine, I’m contemplating the future with all the hope of the newly unveiled. Ever the optimist, I even dream of returning to a Cuba where freedom is not an impossible illusion. I know that, in the next 60 years, I won’t have to be reborn again.
Ricardo González Alfonso is a journalist. This article was translated by Esther Allen from the Spanish.
A version of this op-ed appeared in print on July 19, 2010, on page A21 of the New York edition.
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Oscar Espinosa Chepe, Cuban Economist and Critic of Castro, Dies at 72 Enrique De La Osa/ReutersOscar Espinosa Chepe in 2010. By PAUL VITELLO The New York Times: September 25, 2013 Oscar Espinosa Chepe, a high-ranking Cuban economist and diplomat...
- Encarcerado Em Ny: A Maior Renda Per Capita Dos Eua: Us$ 168.000
Estranha esta matéria, pois não? Over 12,000 people were held in New York City jails last year, according to the Independent Budget Office, with the city spending more per inmate than any other state or city. Mas, a renda é gasta por causa do prisioneiro,...
- Iran: Eleicoes E Direitos Humanos - Mansour Osanloo (nyt)
June 13, 2013http://www.nytimes.com/2013/06/14/opinion/reading-marx-in-tehran.html?hp Op-Ed ContributorReading Marx in TehranBy MANSOUR OSANLOOIRAN’S presidential election on June 14 will be neither free nor fair. The candidates on the ballot...
- "liberdade" Religiosa No Egito: Familia Condenada Por Se Converter Aocristianismo
Egyptian court sentences Christian family to 15 years for converting from Islam By Benjamin Weinthal FoxNews.com, January 16, 2013 Critics fear Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi's regime is taking the nation further toward Islamic extremism. ...
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Venezuela: The Human Wrongs of Hugo Chavez John R. Thomson & Norman Pino De Lion HACER Latin American News, August 10, 2010 Desperate to silence opposition, Chavez harasses key sector leaders to intimidate by example. Hugo Chavez’s regime has come...